NEIGHBOURS ON THE EVE
OF THE HOLOCAUST

Mark Paul

 

 

 

Smooth Transition

In order to carry out the planned sweeps of Poles and other targeted groups, reliance on local collaborators was indispensable. Civilian denunciations took on massive proportions. Lists of people to be deported had to be carefully prepared with the assistance of local people, very often Jews.

Polish historians confirm that Jews continued to play a prominent role in the "red militia" - the right hand of the NKVD - throughout the Soviet occupation (according to one Jewish author, the customary sight of Jewish militiamen patrolling the streets resulted in Poles referring to the Bolshevik regime as "Jewish rule"). Enthusiastic supporters of the Soviet regime also had an important administrative, economic, social and propaganda role to play.

Jan Tomasz Gross, an American sociologist of Polish-Jewish origin, explains why the transition to Soviet rule went so smoothly:

... Even before the Soviets entered, citizens' committees or militias were spontaneously formed in many places to replace the local Polish administration, which had either fled or lost the ability to enforce order.
... These committees often acted as hosts to Red Army units.
... in the first moment of encounter, the Soviet commanders relied on such welcoming committees and militias. The Soviets armed them or authorized them to carry the weapons that they had already acquired ...
Their primary immediate task involved ferreting out hiding Polish officers and policemen.
These first militias were a strange lot. In some areas, particularly in the larger towns where the majority of the 1.7 million Jews living in this territory dwelt, they were predominantly Jewish, often organized by communist sympathizers.
... In any case, the initial collaboration of ethnic minorities allowed for the effective penetration of local society. The effect of this collaboration on the occupier's administration cannot be overestimated. ... They were carrying out a social revolution in eastern Poland, which could not be accomplished without local support.
... A new administration was quickly established in the conquered territories. ... In higher administrative echelons, the gmina
[the smallest territorial administrative unit in Poland], either Soviet officials or Polish communist sympathizers (usually Jews) always held supervisory positions. In addition to committees, militia detachments were formed, which were soon subsumed under the command of the NKVD (the Soviet secret police) operatives. This was the network through which the social and political transformation was to be implemented.
In the first phase of the takeover, committees were used mainly for expropriations and arrests. But the Soviets soon gave them a more important task: a mass mobilization of the local population in support of the new regime. On October 22, barely one month after they crossed the Polish frontier, the Soviets organized a plebiscite in eastern Poland.
[this was a key component of the incorporation of these territories into the Soviet Union]
... After assisting in the initial exercise of intimidating the local population, the committees were then supposed to draw the inhabitants together and mobilize them on behalf of the new regime.

Israeli historian, Ben-Cion Pinchuk, paints a similar picture:

... Indicative of the human resources and potential in the Jewish community was the important role played by the Jews during the transition period and the first phase of organizing the new regime. There were many places, usually those removed from the major routes of the advancing Red Army, where the interregnum lasted for some days. The power vacuum created was filled quite often by local temporary executive committees. Jews played a prominent role in those committees, which lasted in many places until they were replaced by officials from the Soviet Union.
... The creation of the temporary committees was a local initiative ...
There were places where committees were created to organize the reception for the Soviet units and provide what they considered new Soviet-like authority as a temporary replacement for the disintegrating Polish administration. Revolutionary committees, as some of the committees were called, according to numerous Polish reports consisted almost entirely of Jews, with a few Ukrainians. A citizens' militia served as the executive tool of the committees. In the two organizations Jews played a dominant role, according to Polish sources. Jewish communists tried in some places to establish what they considered a Soviet administration. The committees behaved as if they were the government until the entrance of the Red Army. They initiated "socialist" reforms, occasionally coming into conflict with the local population.
... Expression of suppressed grudges and hatreds against the haughty Polish officials could be detected during the transition. ... it was a time for settling scores, a time of retribution. Detectives and policemen were disarmed and arrested. Polish officials reported that they were told by local Jews: ‘Your time has passed, a new epoch begins.’ The Polish population felt itself alienated and threatened and tried to avoid public attention ... There were many instances of arbitrariness and of settling accounts with those who were well-to-do or in authority in the old regime, Jews and Poles alike. Those, who were communists before were 'engaged now on their own in "nationalizing" stores, houses, merchandise, and settling old grudges. Arbitrarily they make arrests and investigations', related a survivor. Harassment of the more affluent, expropriation and distribution of goods among the poor without authorization from the incoming regime, were typical of the transition time. The persecution, expropriations, and occasional imprisonment were indicative of the social changes that would take place.
... Jews participated in disproportionate numbers in the Soviet-established institutions during the first few weeks of the new regime
[and also afterwards - M.P.]. ... The Polish population could not serve as a source of manpower for the new institutions ... The Jewish community particularly in the shtetlach constituted a large reservoir of manpower, relatively well-educated, reliable as far as its outside relations were concerned and, what was equally important, available and eager to cooperate.
... Jewish youth formed special organizations whose role was to facilitate the establishment of the new regime. In many places the first Soviet-appointed institutions contained a very high proportion of Jews. Governmental and economic institutions, the militia in particular - organized by the authorities as a local police force - employed many Jews. The shtetl Jews ... were willing to fill every available opening, thus playing an important role in the initial stages of building the Soviet system in former eastern Poland.
During the transition period the local communists were used ... in helping build up the Soviet system. After the formal annexation local communists were systematically removed from responsible positions, some were even arrested. Many of them received subordinate administrative appointments, particularly in fields where knowledge of local conditions or direct contact with the population was required. They were employed in factories, schools, the militia, as NKVD informers and later as propagandists in the election campaigns.

Israeli historian, Aharon Weiss, concurs with this assessment:

... From the first days of Soviet rule, the Jews were absorbed into the state administration, together with all its offshoots, without any restriction, and they were represented in it to an extent exceeding their proportion of the population as a whole. There are some who hold that political considerations played a part in the inclusion of a relatively high proportion of Jews in the Soviet administration. The Soviets saw in the Jews an element loyal to the new regime, and sometimes even sympathetic to it. The Soviets were aware of the hostile attitude of the Poles ...
There was a similar situation among the Ukrainians, who were imbued with strong nationalistic feelings. These facts were very well known to the Soviet authorities when they came to man the administrative machine, the main purpose of which was to carry out Soviet policy and assist in the establishment of the new regime. And so the Jews, perhaps more than the other two nations in Eastern Galicia, met the requirements of the authorities. The Jews at this time had no political ambitions such as would have excited the suspicions of the Soviets or given them cause to exercise reserve.

Israeli historian Dov Levin, who exaggerates the role of prewar communists and is rather reticent and sketchy about the concrete activities of the largely Jewish "red militia", writes:

... During the preparations for the arrival of the Red Army, and immediately after its advent, young Jews in many locations formed semi-military groupings with names like "People’s Militia", "Workers' Guard", and so on. It was the task of these organizations to maintain local security, order, and sound administration. Above all, they were to prevent any disturbances as the Red Army came in. These youngsters often armed themselves with light weapons left behind by the Polish police. In lieu of uniforms, they tied red ribbons to their sleeves. The very fact of armed Jews visibly imposing their order made their fellow Jews even more eager to greet the Soviet forces.
In the very first days of the Red Army presence in Eastern Poland, parts of Romania and the Baltic countries - and, in certain cases, even preceding the takeover - Jews were active in setting up the institutions of the new government. They were prominent in guard formations of the militia, bodies known as revolutionary or provisional "committees", and so on. The presence of Jews in these organizations was conspicuous in the towns and cities. Some participants belonged to Jewish leftist circles; and some were young adults who identified with the Soviet regime despite the lack of a defined ideological background. Most, however, were Communist Party members who, having just emerged from prison or the underground, regarded themselves as natural partners in laying the foundations of the new regime.
In the Soviet military administration it was widely (and correctly) believed at the time that the Jewish minority was one of the most reliable elements in existence at that stage. This was especially true in Eastern Poland, where the Soviet authorities had not had time to prepare properly for the new situation in view of the dizzying speed of events in the autumn of 1939. Jews were visible in all agencies of the civil administration as the Soviet regime consolidated itself before the official annexation of the western Ukraine and western Belorussia in November, 1939.
... A Jew headed the provisional committee of the town of Stryj. In Borislav
[Boryslaw], well-known communists who had spent many years in Polish prisons assumed important positions in the municipal administration. According to Jewish sources, Jews accounted for 70 percent of the members of the militia in certain Eastern Galician localities.
... A new Jewish elite of sorts, composed of officials and confidantes of the new establishment, took shape at this time. Its members were people who, until the Red Army takeover, had been marginal players in the arena of Jewish public activity. This new elite replaced, to some extent, the veteran elite that was immobilized, silenced or eliminated by the circumstances of the new war and the new realities. This trend persisted even after Ukrainians and Belorussians dislodged the Jewish functionaries who had established the provisional institutions.
Many Jews, confident that the changes following the Soviet annexation would be long-lasting, preferred to adjust to the new circumstances. Quite a few collaborated with the authorities, some out of ideological identification and others for reasons of sympathy and gratitude.
... Unlike non-Jewish resistance groups affiliated with the majority peoples (e.g., Ukrainians and Lithuanians), Zionist groups did not reject the fact of the annexation of their areas of residence.

[Zionist youth] movements did not regard themselves as enemies of the regime, instead hoping that over time the regime would change its policies regarding Judaism and Zionism. ... none of them (not even Betar) professed hostile trends or thoughts, and all were careful to avoid any manifestation of anti-Sovietism.
Labeling of the Soviet administration as a "Jewish regime" became widespread when Jewish militiamen helped NKVD agents send local Poles into exile. ... Landlords and estate owners must have harbored much bitterness when forced to greet, with strained politeness, young Jews who came to confiscate their property.

One of the most surprising metamorphoses was the overnight transformation of ardent Zionists into militant communists, which is remarked on by a number of observers - this time by Prof. Karol Estreicher of the Jagiellonian University:

... In Skole, a small town in the Carpathians [near Stryj], the leader of the local Zionist youth organization of "Chalucs" [Hechalutz] became a communist immediately, and transformed the club into a Bolshevik one. The portrait of Stalin supplanted the picture of Herzl in the common room, but the membership of the organization remained the same.

According to Jewish-Belorussian historian, Evegenii Rozenblat, many Jews occupied leading positions in the NKVD apparatus and judicial system, which played key roles in subjugating the conquered territories. As of October 1940, more than forty percent of all positions in the judicial apparatus of the Pin´sk region were held by Jews. Local Jewish recruits were bolstered by the arrival of large numbers of Soviet Jews in the service of an oppressive regime whose aim was to destroy all vestiges of Polish nationhood. Of the 2789 apparatchiks, sent to Bialystok in September and October 1939 (this number does not include functionaries of the militia and NKVD), 600 (21.5%) were Jews.

That there were not more Jews in the service of the new regime was not a function of a shortage of eager Jews but because many of those who volunteered their services, especially prewar communists from Central Poland, were rebuffed and even repressed. However:

... In contrast to the hurdles that the [Communist] Party placed in the path of persons seeking admission - newcomers and veterans alike - the Komsomol and the Pioneer (Communist Party children's organization) branches opened their doors to teenagers and children. Membership in these organizations became highly acceptable, and Jewish youth thronged to them. This was especially so in the towns and the outlying areas, where youth movements had played a paramount role. All were welcome, even those who had previously belonged to Zionist, religious, or Bundist movements or parties.
... The Pioneers also attracted relatively large numbers of Jews.

Symptomatic of the prevalent mood were the long line-ups of Jews, among them many elderly people, which began to form in front of the polling stations hours in advance of their early morning opening on October 22, 1939 to cast their votes for Stalin and the annexation of Poland's Eastern Borderlands. They did so ostentatiously and often with great enthusiasm.

The electoral committee in Lwow was headed by prominent Jewish communists, members of the Communist Party of "Western Ukraine", such as Jerzy Borejsza (Goldberg), his brother Jozef Rozanski (Goldberg), Ozjasz Szechter (later Michnik), Hilary Minc, and others. After the Soviet "liberation" of Poland in 1944, they adroitly switched their "national" allegiance and were installed in leading positions in Stalinist Poland.

 

 

POLISH-JEWISH RELATIONS UNDER SOVIET OCCUPATION, 1939-1941
POLAND'S ETHNIC MINORITIES AND THE NAZI-SOVIET OCCUPATION OF POLAND

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